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There are a few key differences every cross-border shipper should know. Almost all shipments crossing the Canada-U. Why is that? At the Mexico-U. Border To haul freight in the U. At the Canada-U. Border Though they do need special licensing , Canadian drivers do not need a B-1 visa. Canada: 1 driver Mexico: 3 drivers 3. Carriers do not carry cargo insurance in Mexico. Canada is a different ballgame. Related: Learn how to avoid the 5 risks of shipping in Mexico 4. Clearing Canadian customs is a smoother process.
Customs clearance is an unavoidable part of international shipping. Compared to Canada, the process in Mexico is more complex for a few reasons. There are often more manual tasks and physical paperwork, as the level of technology and internet connectivity is lower. The language barrier is more significant. There needs to be a Mexico and U. There are more drivers, and often more carriers, involved. Crossing the Mexico-U. There are less crossing locations.
There is more cross-border traffic. There is more congestion at the busiest border crossing. Cover Both Borders with Coyote Shipping freight across borders can be complicated. Previous Article. Next Article. Accordingly, cultural policy in Mexico has followed those directives and, in theory, stayed within their lines of action; the council attempted to implement cultural pluralism, freedom of creation, participation of society, stimulus of artistic creation, and the decentralization of cultural support.
It is important to note that Conaculta lacks a clear, articulated policy related to cultural industries. Finally, to compare the Mexican case with the U. Through the Mexican Film Institute Imcine , 10 Conaculta aims to promote and finance cinematographic production projects as it recognizes the importance of film for cultural identity as well as because it values film as an art form.
This was distributed through different programs such as those to support film production and promote creators, with a small amount going to film distribution. In this section, we compare industrial indicators of the audiovisual industries for each of the three North American countries in order to establish links between them and their cultural policies discussed above.
The data presented by the North American Industrial Classification System naics allows us to compare the three North American audiovisual industries. The naics has the objective of harmonizing economic statistical information for nafta members. This information is structured in five aggregate levels of activity, from the most general to the most specific: sector two digits , sub-sector three digits , branch four digits , sub-branch five digits , and class six digits.
The naics traditionally groups economic activities into three large sets: primary activities exploitation of natural resources , secondary activities goods manufacture , and tertiary activities distribution of goods and services. The group is considered part of the tertiary level of activities, located under distribution services inegi , : We examined the following subsectors: Film and Video Industry; Radio and Television, except Internet; and Other Telecommunications referring only to satellite television and cable.
Nevertheless, the three different agencies that collect the statistical census information have not harmonized all their economic and industrial reports. Therefore, the information we present is not wholly comparable.
However, it gives us a feasible picture of the asymmetries and performance of the three national industries. We compared the gross growth of each sub-sector over time to examine the performance of audiovisual industries in the three countries.
We also compared the three cases with regard to the particular growth of strategic categories of cultural production. We analyzed the growth of these audiovisual sectors and compared them to media ownership metrics and market concentration, since we consider these variables as indicators of the negative effects on promotion and conservation of cultural diversity and national identities Freedman, From and , the three audiovisual industries showed considerable growth in the three countries.
The Mexican audiovisual industries grew almost percent from to , whereas those of the U. This data helps us to understand the significance of audiovisual industries within the whole cultural industries. Total Income Millions of U. It is illustrative to compare the Mexican case with the rest of Latin America.
The data summarized in Tables 1, 2, 3, and 4 confirm the existence of large inequalities among the three countries. Although the U. Similarly, the Canadian sub-sector grew That tendency was reinforced from to see Table 3. Moreover, in the Mexican case, it is important to examine the key sectors and sub-sectors related to audiovisual production. Clearly, the growth is neither even nor stable among the different sub-sectors.
Furthermore, we found major weaknesses and drawbacks. It could be inferred that audiovisual production in Mexico is rising, which is only partially true. Disaggregating the information by sub-branch performance shows how television program production is largely driving growth in the whole sector.
As mentioned above, this is mainly owing to the role of the television duopoly Televisa and TV Azteca, whereas the Film and Video Production sub-branch decreased by about 22 percent. In contrast, the sub-sectors of film screening and distribution showed constant growth of 40 percent and 68 percent, respectively see Tables 1 and 2. This upward trend for film exhibition and distribution revenue continued to increase in the following years see Tables 4 and 5.
The analysis of the Mexican case using the naics also showed the spectacular growth of the Production of Programs for Channels Distributed by Cable or Satellite Television Systems sub-branch. In addition, in recent years the sub-branch of Distribution for Subscription of Television Programs became more profitable than TV advertising Table 5.
In general, we argue that the audiovisual sector and the film and video sub-sectors show continuous growth for the three nafta members. However, that performance is not necessarily an outcome of nafta.
Certainly, the U. The driving force for Mexican audiovisual industries is the demographic boom of Hispanic-origin population mainly Mexican that is receptive to audiovisual products from Mexico. Nevertheless, the figures confirmed previous research findings about how nafta has reinforced and broadened the hegemony of U. Moreover, for Mexico and Canada, nafta has meant the consolidation of the historical conditions in which their private audiovisual companies have operated; that is, with indiscriminate access to the purchase of content and signals from the U.
It is important to underline that the new data from naics was not available at the time of writing this article. As Table 3 shows, the growth of these industries is constant and higher than that of the rest of industry Hesmondhalgh, We argue that this change has expanded the value chain of cultural consumption of audiovisual services in multi-platforms. However, if we focus on audiovisual markets, the tendency remains upward.
In the case of Canada and the U. In addition, the sector has clearly experienced continuous economic growth in North America.
It is also important to question to what extent the growth translates into economic development and reflects open access to cultural production in terms of cultural diversity and the promotion of creative work.
In the U. We observed that exports of cultural products from the U. On a different note, the Canadian strategy of hybrid cultural policy has also had some favorable results. Its audiovisual industries have grown 50 percent generally over the period studied. On the other hand, the British approach to cultural policy found in the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia has tended to assist the private sector. In addition, British Columbia has become one of the favorite places outside Hollywood for filming both television series and feature films Tinic, ; Newman, The British Columbia government has invested millions of dollars in infrastructure to guarantee the modernization of studios in order to avoid losing the economic opportunity resulting from the audiovisual production of U.
Finally, in the case of Mexico, we noted a high concentration of its audiovisual industries involved in producing and broadcasting television programs. This creates a contradictory situation.
By contrast, Televisa and TV Azteca are the only two large companies that have increased their total revenue continually over those years. Furthermore, Televisa operates in all the audiovisual sub-sectors and branches, and has even carved out a dominant position in the sector of pay television.
At the same time, due to the multiscreen and mobile convergence scenario, Telmex is another large company that has benefited from the new forms of cultural consumption by concentrating the markets for internet access. Although there is economic growth in Mexico, the reason it does not translate into economic development is that only some sub-sectors and branches are growing. Furthermore, growth is exclusive to dominant audiovisual and telecommunications companies, which benefit from the lack of competition.
In other words, growth is confined largely to communication conglomerates that focus on television production, cable and dth broadcasting, internet access, cinema exhibition, and a handful of Hollywood-based film distribution companies. The market concentration by the dominant players creates economic barriers, a blocking effect for new business enterprises, particularly with independent producers. At the same time, nafta allows large companies to sustain constant growth and a privileged position in international competition.
However, in the 20 years of nafta the increased concentration of the audiovisual sector in Mexico has become evident. In fact, this is a major challenge for the future of cultural policies. Their absence in the official discourse frames Mexican cultural industries as de facto being under the laissez-faire and free-market logic.
This analysis provides inputs for establishing the links between the asymmetries shown by industrial economic data and the Canadian and Mexican cultural policy traditions, reshaped under the free-market dynamics of the nafta framework.
In this regard, we have attempted to contribute to understanding the different contexts of global capitalism in which cultural industries and their policies are embedded. British, U. This position understands the state as a partner in the task of promoting culture, that is, a facilitator for demands of foundations and civil society, conceiving the cultural environment as a matter related to the private sector.
The position also promotes the idea of non-interference.. The French tradition on the role of the state in cultural policy is based on the assumption that the state has the right to use its power to promote the blossoming of culture on behalf of its citizens and to promote the development of a strong national identity..
The agency that regulates and oversees the mass media and telecommunications in Canada is the Canadian Radio Television and Telecommunications Commission crtc.. We should highlight that, since television was developed in the U. Nevertheless, the basic problem was that with the re-regulation and opening up to the U. The numbers are illustrative.
For example, between and , among television series and films produced, only 20 percent were Canadian productions and the rest were from the U. Rice-Baker, : 3. The objectives of the Institute are a to consolidate and increase national cinematographic production; b to extend the promotion, dissemination, and distribution of Mexican films; and c to establish an industrial promotional policy in the audiovisual sector..
Before , its outlook included more entertainment industries such as professional sports, concerts, and theme parks, among others. But since , it changed its categories as shown in Tables 4 and The business-to-business market b 2 b is divided into five segments: business information, trade shows, trade directories, trade magazines, and professional books..
ISSN: Previous article Next article. Issue 2. Pages July - December More article options. Download PDF. This item has received. Under a Creative Commons license. Article information. Table 1. Table 2. Table 3. Table 4. Table 5. Show more Show less. Within this scenario, we have spotlighted the Mexican case. Key words:. Palabras clave:. Given its abundant natural resources, highly skilled labor force, and modern capital stock, Canada enjoyed solid economic growth from through The global economic crisis of moved the Canadian economy into sharp recession by late , and Ottawa posted its first fiscal deficit in after 12 years of surplus.
Canada's major banks emerged from the financial crisis of among the strongest in the world, owing to the financial sector's tradition of conservative lending practices and strong capitalization. Population below poverty line Labor force Labor force - by occupation agriculture: Unemployment rate 3. Distribution of family income - Gini index Industries food and beverages, tobacco, chemicals, iron and steel, petroleum, mining, textiles, clothing, motor vehicles, consumer durables, tourism transportation equipment, chemicals, processed and unprocessed minerals, food products, wood and paper products, fish products, petroleum, natural gas Industrial production growth rate Fiscal year calendar year 1 April - 31 March Public debt Taxes and other revenues Unemployment, youth ages total: 7.
Gross national saving Energy Mexico Canada Electricity - production Electricity - consumption Electricity - exports 7. Electricity - imports 3. Oil - production 1. Oil - exports 1. Oil - proved reserves 6. Natural gas - proved reserves Natural gas - production Natural gas - consumption Natural gas - exports Natural gas - imports Electricity - installed generating capacity
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